Antonio Gramsci’s notion of “passive revolution” and its limitations helps us understand how the relation between political diagonal and biopolitical diagram addresses the conundrum of the transition. As he does with many of his key concepts, Gramsci employs “passive revolution” in a variety of contexts with slightly different meanings, using multiple standpoints to give the concept greater amplitude. His first and primary usage is to contrast the passive transformation of bourgeois society in nineteenth-century Italy with the active revolutionary process of the bourgeoisie in France. Passive revolution, Gramsci explains, is a revolution without a revolution, that is, a transformation of the political and institutional structures without there emerging centrally a strong process for the production of subjectivity. The “facts” rather than social actors are the real protagonists. Second, Gramsci also applies the term “passive revolution” to the mutations of the structures of capitalist economic production that he recognizes primarily in the development of the U.S. factory system of the 1920s and 1930s. “Americanism” and “Fordism” name what Marx calls the passage from the “formal” to the “real subsumption” of labor within capital, that is, the construction of a properly capitalist society. This structural transformation of capital is passive in the sense that it evolves over an extended period and is not driven by a strong subject. After using “passive revolution” as a descriptive tool of historical analysis, regarding both the superstructural and structural changes of capitalist society, Gramsci seems to employ it, third, to suggest a path for struggle. How can we make revolution in a society subsumed within capital? The only answer Gramsci can see is a relatively “passive” one, that is, a long march through the institutions of civil society.
Sorry – just realized that those of you who joined up were listed only as subscribers. Seeing as that’s pretty useless, I’ve upgraded you all to Authors. Hopefully that’ll allow you make contributions. Still learning how this works!
Henceforth, all new users will be authors. (Heavens, what would Foucault say???!!!).
“Five similarities between the 1773 destroyers of the British tea and the 2011 occupiers of Wall Street”
How comfortable are people with the idea that recent events bespeak a sort of collective overreaching on the part of capitalism? I’m sure its a truism at this stage to suggest that the financial elites exhibited a form of economic stupidity in putting us in this predicament in the first place. But are they politically stupid, too? Today’s commentary from Jacobin seems to suggest as much. The piece starts by stating the protests seem to be exceeding the systems ability to manage them. Here, once again, the crisis is framed in Graeber’s terms:
What’s going on here? A clue, I think, is to be found in a remark that comes near the end of David Graeber’s recent magnum opus on debt: ‘The last thirty years have seen the construction of a vast bureaucratic apparatus for the creation and maintenance of hopelessness, a giant machine designed, first and foremost, to destroy any sense of possible alternative futures. At its root is a veritable obsession on the part of the rulers of the world . . . with ensuring that social movements cannot be seen to grow, flourish, or propose alternatives; that those who challenge existing power arrangements can never, under any circumstances, be perceived to win’.
In this, Graeber is echoing one of my favorite, often-quoted lines from Fredric Jameson: “The mass of people . . . do not themselves have to believe in any hegemonic ideology of the system, but only to be convinced of its permanence.”
But, as the piece continues, a certain fragility has crept into the system, as is no evident from recent global events. Perhaps it is because capitalism has so perfected its ability to perform efficiently? It is incredibly vulnerable now to asymmetrical shocks. There are ways of mitigating this, of course, but only expensive, Keynesian ones.
Thus neoliberalism has systematically dismantled the supports and failsafe systems that kept dissent in check, and has relied instead on preventing dissent from arising in the first place. The 99% have been cut off from institutional channels for influencing policy or voicing their grievances, and thus have been left with no choice but to take it to the streets. And now that we have done so, we are seeing the chaotic and unpredictable failure mode of neoliberal governance.
via Failure Mode.
Hmm, failure mode? I guess we’ll have to see. But certainly asserting something doesn’t make it so, as Kautsky reminded Lenin. And while it took some time for Kautsky to be proved right, in our own time its not clear that we’re even close to seeing a replay of that debate in the offing. Which raises the sort of question a Mick Cox might be willing to ask: at what point WOULD we want to start asking that question? What sort of things would we have to see going on around us before we started to talk about the demise of (the current mode of) capitalism? The main players in the EU are obviously hoping to bid for time and eject Greece gently from the Euro. Papandreou’s hand grenade notwithstanding, that probably remains the plan. In the meantime, the Greeks have been given what Zizek would no doubt call an “unfree” choice. As economic theorist Yanis Varoufakis puts it:
In short, rather than an exercise in participatory democracy, the referendum is a shoddy, strategically ill-fated, morally corrupt and politically damaging ploy. Contrary to what is implied by the Greek PM’s minders, the referendum was never meant as a means of strengthening Mr Papandreou’s bargaining power over his European colleagues and the IMF. Had he cared to oppose the October Agreement, he ought to have done so in Brussels. No, the referendum is a means of extracting, first, a vote of confidence from his party’s battered MPs and, secondly, to impose upon the Greek people a hideous dilemma which identifies consent to the terrible October Agreement with a continued commitment to remaining in Europe. Rather than a gesture of granting Greeks a voice, this referendum is an attempt to gag the electorate.
Via Yanis Varoufakis
Thanks to Kole Kilibarda for referring us to this excellent manifesto from the world of Anthropology scholarship. The list of demands towards the end are particularly important, as are the parting words: “Let the deep modification of the human sciences begin. Anthropologists have nothing to lose but our irrelevance.” Might not scholars of IR and IPE say the same for themselves?
It is high time that the Anthropologists openly set forth before the whole world their perspective, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this fairy tale about Capitalism with a Four-Field Manifesto. To this end, Anthropologists of the most diverse nationalities and subfields assemble on open threads like Academia and #OWS, informing the following Manifesto. Please read, share, and comment, joining our contentious anthropological tradition.
Jason Read takes a light jab at David Graeber’s book, Debt, The First 5000 Years. Indeed, it would seem Graeber has a kind of Nietzschean/Deleuzian reading of debt as originating in a moral or normative field of equivalences, itself underwritten by the state.
Graeber gives more credit (I actually don’t know if I intended that pun or not) to a different account of money, primordial debt theory, which argues that money emerged from the taxes, from the state’s need to generate money. This theory begins with a fundamental asymmetry, not an equivalence, an asymmetry that is often founded on religion, on the sense of debt owed to the world.
What this habituated mentality of debt as having some sort of special sovereignty over other human relations ignores, however, is the “communism of everyday life”. Kind of like Hardt and Negri’s argument in Commonwealth, the point here is to draw attention to an ontology that denies the highly distributed (and social) nature of the way real value production takes place. What is interesting about Read’s argument though is the way he sets up Graeber’s narrative about the foundational fiction nature of debt as one that runs in parallel with another foundational fiction, that of primitive accumulation. Not that these narratives should be seen as competing strains (Read explicitly disavows a desire to counterpose anarchism and communism here), but rather that the simultaneous plausibility of both is in itself insufficient in our efforts to grasp what it is specifically about capitalism that inflects this particular moment in the historical drama of man’s relation with debt.
Capitalism is not a matter of thrift, waste, or greed, it is a matter of surplus value, labor power, and other real abstractions. Thus, communism may be the foundation of all sociability, but capitalism is often indifferent to the sociability, or, worse still, exploits it … As a topic of inquiry debt crosses back and forth from the economic to the moral, and thus it is tempting to locate its history in attitudes and ideas, but a true history of debt needs to also examine the structure that are indifferent to those ideas.
But, even as the movement’s grievances are still being articulated, it has begun to move toward educating itself about alternatives to the current top-down, vertically organized market economy – one that has seen income inequality soar to rates unseen since the last Gilded Age and incomes of ordinary Americans – the 99 percent – stagnate or fall. (New figures show that 50 percent of Americans make less than $26,364, the lowest in real dollars since 1999.)
The 99 percent -ers have been taking back the political sphere by re-defining the relationship Americans have toward the political process, from passivity to participatory democracy. As David Graeber, one of the original organizers of OWS and author of the recent book, Debt, wrote on the blog Naked Capitalism:
It is almost impossible to convince the average American that a truly democratic society would be possible. One can only show them. But the experience of actually watching a group of a thousand, or two thousand, people making collective decisions without a leadership structure, let alone that of thousands of people in the streets linking arms to holding their ground against a phalanx of armored riot cops, motivated only by principle and solidarity, can change one’s most fundamental assumptions about what politics, or for that matter, human life, could actually be like.
The pressure is on now to co-opt OWS for the Democratic Party!
At Occupy D.C., the McPherson Square encampment inspired by Occupy Wall Street, a shouting match erupted this week when a woman describing herself as a longtime Democratic campaign worker encouraged the young protesters to express their concerns by voting, only to be told that voting wasn’t enough.
Those contentious moments help illustrate the difficulty facing Democratic officials as they try to capitalize on the sudden emergence of liberal energy that is growing fast — but expanding largely separate and apart from traditional party institutions.
Hello everyone, and welcome to this new blog, where it is hoped that we can start some form of conversation about #occupyingirtheory.
We’ve had a lot of interesting discussion on the #occupyirtheory/ipe Facebook group over the last week or so, which as of today has 76 members! This will surely grow further in the coming weeks. So it is important now to start a meaningful conversation about what sort of constructive projects this sort of energy can be invested into. In case you haven’t been following the Facebook group postings to date, here is where we are:
- Journal of Critical Globalization Studies: Amin Samman and the JCGS editors have made a generous offer to provide a formal academic venue for several short critical pieces (2-3 pages each) on the #occupywallstreet phenomenon itself, as well as what it means for the study of world politics. They are terming this a “a special scholarly commentary forum”. JCGS is an online journal. The advantage here is that we’ll get to move quickly (it’ll be really cool to have this up and running by ISA). If you are interested in writing a 2-3 page fragment or comment for this commentary forum, would you please send me an email and let me know by, say, November 2? That way you’ll have about 3-4 weeks to write your comment and then we’ll have about 1-2 weeks to have some back and forth on them, edit them, or whatever seems most necessary.
- An open letter: something we could generate some consensus around, and all put our names to. What does it mean to actually #occupyir/ipe? As others have already suggested on the Facebook page, we have a discipline already quite occupied by an ontology that prohibits certain forms of discussion. Maybe we could come up with a statement that serve as a critique of the narrowness of our discipline, but also some sort of commitment to have a broader discussion in some sort of (critical?) solidarity with the movement?
- #OCCUPY-ISA: A couple of you wrote to suggest doing something at the upcoming ISA conference … its too late for something formal at ISA San Diego obviously, but something INFORMAL and OUTSIDE the traditional panel structure would be absolutely achievable. We can ask the organizers if they have some sort of space we can use…. or… we could just #occupy a space. Others have suggested the idea of making this an initiative across multiple conferences – a really fabulous idea.
- Pedagogy: This project recognizes our place as educators. Asli and Anna suggest something on the pedagogy side. Let me just quote from an email from Anna Agathangelou: “… it is crucial for us to reflect but also articulate the ways we teach and the ways this teaching itself becomes a revolutionary movement and may play a crucial role in embodying what I call a ‘truly global’ and ‘truly just’ world. How do we, in the space and place of the university and colleges, major sites of unequally developed political interventions, resistances, and repressions, understand these movements in a much larger trajectory with and beyond the narrowly punctuated Europe and US? How do connect more directly our own struggles (i.e., restructuring of the university around not having access to books and our own writings due to the legal regimes/copyright issues; health access; using all our resources to pay tuition etc etc; having contractual positions with no benefits etc) with how we articulate critical IR and IPE? … While all of us in different ways have been working to debunk violent paradigms such as neoliberalism, islamophobia, sexism, homophobia etc in our research and our classrooms and elsewhere, we see that these movements are disrupting many of these violent relations bit by bit. So, how do we understand these movements, take seriously our participation in them and how do we place ourselves in support of them?” I have received many strong expressions of support on Anna’s ideas here, so perhaps there is a possibility we could work on this angle? Some have suggested the idea of a textbook, perhaps along the lines of Edkins and Zehfuss. I actually use this textbook in my own classes and find it very effective – I’m thinking this idea could morph into something like a ‘users guide’ or strategy guide for students of IR and IPE, but focused on activism, micro-level interventions, counter-spectacular moments, etc.
So, that’s it for now folks. Obviously go ahead and use this site as you wish. But definitely have a think about that CFP from JCGS, and let me hear back from you on whether you think you’d like to write 2-3 page (or less, or more?) contribution, and the theme you are interested in. Thanks!